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Also see the list of Article Collections (to which essays on this list are now linked) and the Bibliography of Primary Sources. According to the author’s abstract, “This paper shows how Wyclif is able at the same time (i) to claim that whatever is is a proposition (‘pan-propositionalism’) and (ii) to develop a nontrivial theory of propositional truth and falsity. [Gray returns to this important Carthusian manuscript for a full discussion of the relationships among its images and lyrics, and its relevance to the “spiritual landscape of late medieval England” (116).] Green, Richard F. [Argues that the odd juxtaposition in Purvey’s Heresies and Errors (as recorded by Lavenham) of a discussion of the marriage of those linked in spiritual affinity (godparents) with the question of whether bastards can inherit the throne can be explained by the situation surrounding John of Gaunt’s marriage to Katherine Swynford and his ambitions for the Beauforts (his illegitimate children by Katherine) in 1396. In at least one notable case, the mid-fourteenth century reforms of Archbishop Thoresby, York identified the problems and found the solutions before Lollardy existed. advance an alternative orthodox position, one that identifies points of consensus, rather than disagreement, with lollard critiques. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism which divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. Special attention is given to collaboration with German-speaking editors, despite contemporary political tensions, and their contrasting editorial methods.] Spinka, Matthew. To a certain extent Wyclif ‘s explanations fit in with Aristotle’s understanding of language.
Wimpheling’s sensitivity regarding the persuasive value of dialectic is complemented by passages in Erasmus which emphasise continuity rather than conflict between the methods of argumentation used by patristic and medieval theologians in their encounters with heresy.] —. as Disputation.” Bergström-Allen and Copsey 233-448. [Noting that Netter follows a “pioneering approach” to commentary that relies on contextualizing patristic authorities, Bose also says that Netter “implicitly invites readers to check and appraise, rather than merely to simply endorse, his use of sources,” and thereby lays “the foundations of a more radical critical inquiry” (234). The fifth chapter studies Pecock’s views on the best way to educate the lay reader to ensure the most stability, spiritual profit, and harmony within the community, focusing on the way Pecock structures his works to facilitate the integration of various groups in the community through the progress and evolution of the lay reader.”] Campbell, Kirsty. Campbell’s book will be of interest to scholars and students of medieval literature and culture, especially those interested in fifteenth-century religious history and culture.”] Campi, Luigi. His doing so was a necessity: after all, if the surviving MSS are any indication, his 17 (2003): 25-54. [The essay describes a shift in the fifteenth century from the pastoral to the secular in the advice offered to bishops, creating “what might be called in some instances a ‘mirror for bishops’ tradition.” Cole addresses Wycliffite advice literature, claiming that it combines pastoral and secular advice traditions. It explores the sacrament of baptism and its association to orthodoxy, Wycliffism and sacramental utterance. “A Contextualized Wyclif: Magister Sacrae Paginae.” Bose and Hornbeck 121-134. Nissé focuses in particular on how theater translates the temporal ideas of textual exegesis into spatial models and politics. Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1986. “The Chronology of Wyclif’s English Sermons.” 40 (2009): 387-410. Two key chapters in the book for the study of Wycliffite texts are chs. [Arnold argues that, “on the basis of some lexical and manuscript analysis, that there is a greater influence of continental inquisitorial discourse on English heresy prosecutions than has been previously recognized. [According to the abstract, “this dissertation recovers Shakespeare’s Sir John Falstaff as a politically radical character, linked to Jack Cade and the plebian revolutionaries of 2 Henry VI , and to 16th-century radical-egalitarian movements including Anabaptism and the “Family of Love.” Working from the earliest texts dealing with Sir John Oldcastle, Falstaff’s historical precedent, this work explores the radical potential of reform beginning with the work of the late-14th-century Oxford theologian John Wyclif. Introducing a radical new understanding of these plays as ‘sacramental theater,’ Beckwith shows how organizing the plays served as a political mechanism for regulating labor, and how theater and sacrament combined in them to do important theological work. But if words do have to be pronounced, then the appropriate formula should not be in the present, but in the future. Warham’s policy combined anti-heresy activity with attempts at clerical reform. Her appendices alone are included on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. “Vernacular Books in England in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.” 91 (1921): 59-77. “The Significance of the Lollard Bible: The Ethel M. Wyclif’s deepest reasons for rejecting orthodox Eucharist theology really only begin to make sense against this broader background of theological debate.] Despres, Denise. The author concludes that, while manuscript variation undoubtedly raised suspicion, the “heresy” of the English Psalter should also be seen as the product of historical change, as an ambitious vernacular text collided with a church hierarchy that was increasingly aware of the need of-and difficulty in-controlling any authoritative religious text in English.] Gwynn, A. [“In this paper, the process of the merger [between religious and secular authority to defeat the social threat of Lollardy] will be examined through: an analysis of Lollard doctrine and the resultatnt activities that held inherent social implications; the allegations made by the movement’s enemies that created fear in the secular community that Lollardy was a threat to social regulation and harmony; and the resultant legislative changes which finally categorised Lollardy as subversion.”] Hague, Dyson. Even where a nation might have a just claim, the better path is always the way of Christ, suffering evil patiently rather than inflicting sufferings upon one’s neighbor.] —. According to Levy’s abstract for this article, “John Wyclif envisioned an ideal church that could be created in his own day, based on the model of the earliest apostolic community depicted in the New Testament. “Acts of Vagrancy: The C Version ‘Autobiography’ and the Statute of 1388.” Justice and Kerby-Fulton 208-317. Minnis describes several responses by Woodforde to this. [Ng argues that “what is most significant in this history [of the Reformation] is the continuity from the late medieval to the early modern period of the subversiveness of translation, when possession of the vernacular scripture could condemn one as a heretic and vernacular writings other than scripture were perceived as dangerous, always potentially heretical. This has a number of implications for how one might reconsider the English trial evidence, some of which are briefly explored in the essay.”] Asaka, Yoshiko. She argues, for instance, that the theology of Corpus Christi in the resurrection plays can only be understood as a theatrical exploration of eucharistic absence and presence. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. [This is a study of Walsingham, not just a historican but also a classical scholar. Moreover, he sought to publicize and publicly refute the errors of the heretics, eschewing show trials and burnings. Wood Lecture Delivered before the University of London on 13 March, 1951.” Pamphlet. in 1413 in order to articulate his criticism of the Christian community of his day and the proclaim his evangelical vision of the Church. in 1550 because he was a follower of heretic John Wyclif, whose teachings were similar to beliefs expounded in the poem. The church of the late fourteenth century would come to resemble the ecclesia primitiva, a poor communion of fellow workers marked by charity and humility. One of them is to say, with a reductive literalism, that “Tobit had a dog” is not conducive to salvation (48).] —. The subversiveness of translation arises not only out of its status as a heretical text or its use to mount challenges to clerical and secular political authority. He emphasizes continuities in the two works’ pastoral aims, countering Nicholas Watson’s assertion that the two works address lay readers in contrasting ways.] —. [This book considers the relationship between the church, society and religion across five centuries of change. [The essay discusses Wyclif’s use of Wisdom , a passage of scripture that, according to Campi, Wyclif regarded as “the most difficult verse in the whole of scripture…due to the theoretical content it conveys, which relates to the issue of the creative, legislative and redemptive order imposed by God.”] —. Sharpe substantially shares the metaphysical view and principles of the other Oxford Realists, but he elaborates a completely different semantics, since he accepts the nominalist principle of the autonomy of thought in relation to the world, and Ockham’s explanation for the universality of concepts. This article seeks to shed some light on this issue through an analysis of the text “Of Mynystris in the Chirche,” a commentary on Matthew 24 and one of the longest Lollard discussions of the Bible’s eschatological prophecies. Raschko examines how the Lollard writers direct this conventional social model to reformist ends.] —. “The Letter of Richard Wyche: An Interrogation Narrative.” PMLA 127.3 (2012): 626-642. Brown examines how the teachings of an increasingly universal Church were applied at a local level and how social change shaped the religious practices of the laity. of the New Testament, in the Scottish dialets, in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackne, on examination proves to be a Scottish rescension of Wyclif’s version.”] Bruce, Frederick F. “‘In ipso sunt idem esse, vivere, et intelligere’: Notes on a Case of Textual Bricolage.” pertaining to divine being, life, and thought. Unfortunately, this semantic approach partially undermines his defence of realism, since it deprives Sharpe of any compelling semantic and epistemological reasons to posit universalia in re. “Annihilatio e divina onnipotenza nel Tractatus de universalibus di John Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 71-85. “Categories and Universals in the Later Middle Ages.” In Lloyd A. as an anti-Lollard critique by showing how artisans and Lollards were seen as reflections of each other.] Copeland, Rita. Specifically, this article points to a correspondence between a tension at the heart of Lollard attitudes to the theory and practice of scriptural exegesis and a tension at the heart of Lollard perspectives on end times events. “Oon of Foure: Harmonizing Wycliffite and Pseudo-Bonaventuran Approaches to the Life of Christ.” Johnson and Westphall 341-373.
Full copies of some out-of-copyright texts are now available for download on this list. Sizes of downloads are given in megabytes (mb) at the end of the entry. Whatever its fate as a religious movement, it had successfully changed the intellectual landscape of England.”] —. [Rather than seeking after a doctrinally discrete group, Ghosh asks “whether it would be possible to identify a set of religio-intellectual interests pointing, not exactly towards a definitively outlined ‘heretical’ profile perhaps, but nevertheless to a more or less coherent , characterized pre-eminently by an intelligent and informed criticism of authority. As opposed to earlier theories of the relation of the liberal arts to philosophy, which argued that the arts were “remedial,” the means by which “the ‘reasonable’ human soul is led to recognize itself and its origins, from which it has been separated” by the fall (255, 253). In describing that influence, he asserts that intellectuals after Arundel’s time shared an interest in reform with the earlier followers of Wyclif at Oxford, although the two groups disagreed on the means for that reform. “The Geography of Dissent: Lollardy, Popular Religion, and Church Reform in Late Medieval York.” Ph. The north did, in fact, develop a different religious culture from the south. “Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif.” 60 (2005): 279-337. For Wyclif, the universal is numerically identical with its singulars, but numerical identity is governed by something weaker than the indiscernibility of identicals.”] Spencer, Helen Leith. [On the heresy of Dominican Richard Helmsley, condemned in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1385. Furnivall’s Last Fling: The Wyclif Society and Anglo-German Scholarly Relations, 1882-1992.” 65.272 (2014): 790-811. [From the abstract: “In Forschungen zum ‘Ackermann aus Böhmen’ (1930), Alois Bernt writes that every literary work is influenced by the time in which it was written. In addition, he uses John Wiclef’s key term—the right to property—as an interpretation of the right to possess one’s own life.”] Stevenson, Joseph. Within the chapter on the heretics, she argues that “both texts construct textual identities whose exemplary behavior in the face of imprisonment and persecution is designed to encourage other Lollards in the firmness of their beliefs, and convince [them] of the corruption of the Church. Sutherland illuminates the complicated and very self-aware stand the work’s author takes on the problem of translation.] Swanson, R. Swanson observes that the volume “would provide a channel for Wycliffite ideas to spread in the area; but that the volume was meant to join the chapel possessions suggests that it was not seen .